By J. C. Yardley, J. E. Atkinson

This booklet provides a translation, with statement, of a huge Roman resource at the finish of the reign of Alexander the good. booklet 10 of Curtius' Histories covers the reign of terror and mutiny that upon Alexander's go back from India; and provides the fullest account of the ability fight that all started in Babylon instantly after his demise. The advent establishes a profile of Curtius Rufus (quite most likely a Roman Senator of the 1st century AD), and his schedule as a historian. John Yardley's translation and the statement are designed for the reader with no Latin. The observation presents distinctive research of the historic occasions of the an important interval 325-3 BC coated through Curtius, and in addition attempts to get in the back of the outside point of intending to exhibit how Curtius meant his historical past to be a textual content for his time. Curtius' textual content is usually tested as a literary success in its personal correct.

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14. 20 with J. 17. 2. 3, Curtius 6. 1. 7–8 with J. 28. 4. 2. 64 The old orthodoxy that Trogus simply reworked Timagenes is now seen as too simplistic, but it remains highly likely that Timagenes was a significant influence on Trogus: cf. Heckel and Yardley (1997), esp. 30–4. J. Malitz, Die Historien des Poseidonios (Munich, 1983), 56 is hesitant about accepting that Trogus used Timagenes, but accepts Curtius’ claim to have consulted Timagenes. 65 Thus Prandi (1996), 140–4 argues that Curtius picked up Cleitarchus’ material via Timagenes, and so used Timagenes heavily, but still allows that Curtius must have read Trogus.

13. 1), then we cannot tell whether either was inXuenced by the other. Fears (1976a), 217 goes further in identifying contradictions between Curtius and Seneca as part of his case for dating Curtius much later, and indeed in the third century. But Seneca’s essays are better taken as giving some idea of the literary scene at the time when he and Curtius were writing. In terms of language Curtius has many links at various points with Pomponius Mela’s work on geography, as they use very similar phraseology.

Of relevance here is A. Momigliano’s reaction to Hayden White’s approach to historiography: ‘He has eliminated the research for truth as the main task of the historian’ (in Momigliano, Settimo contributo alla storia degli studi classici e del mondo antico (Rome, 1984), 49, quoted by Simon Hornblower, ‘Narratology and Thucydides’, in S. Hornblower (1994), 133). 98 Woodman (1988), 85–7. 34 Introduction a more rhetorical nature (such as Cicero wanted from Lucceius),99 and he goes on in Brutus 44 to make the distinction between scrupulous historians and those who take liberties.

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