By Stephen L. Weigert (auth.)
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Extra resources for Angola: A Modern Military History, 1961–2002
29 Mulele was faulted because he did not effectively communicate to his forces his Maoist teachings. ”30 Mulele never established a “revolutionary” political organization charged with educating peasants and coordinating their actions. 31 Alternatively, Mulele’s intentional exploitation of traditional theology suggests he must have known that he was compromising the Maoist principles he initially brought to Kwilu Province in 1963. While personal and political factors undeniably contributed to the character and course of the rebellion, the guerrillas’ lack of supplies and outside support was critical in accounting for their eventual failure.
Forces opposing it have caused it serious setbacks, at the same time they have tempered the . . ”10 Upon his return to Angola in 1966, Jonas Savimbi could also have usefully echoed Mao’s characterization of China as “a vast country with great resources . . a country in which the terrain is complicated and the facilities for communication are poor. ”11 Like their Chinese mentors, Angolan insurgents operated in a large country whose boundaries contained an area of some 1,246,700 square kilometers, 34 Angola a territory with the combined size of Belgium, France, and Spain.
21 Participants at the Muangai Conference emphasized independence, anticolonialism, and anti-imperialism. Neither the MPLA nor FNLA would likely have challenged these goals. Comparable commitments to economic and social reform also should have motivated their fellow Angolans equally to join or support UNITA, MPLA, and FNLA in their campaign to spark a popular war for independence. Bridging the gap between ideas and action, however, proved as difficult for UNITA as it had for the MPLA and FNLA.
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